Everybody should read over the following carefully:
What is Plagiarism?
Definition
1. Plagiarism is defined as "Passing off someone else's work as your own".
2. It happens if you copy somebody else's work instead of doing your own.
3. It also happens in those cases where people actually buy essays instead of doing the work themselves.
4. Schools, colleges, and universities regard this as a serious offence - and they often have stiff penalties for anyone found guilty.
5. Most people at school level call this 'cheating' or 'copying' - and they know it is wrong.
6. The problem is that at college or university, you are expected to use and write about other people's work - so the issue of plagiarism becomes more complex.
7. There are also different types and different degrees of plagiarism - and it is often difficult to know whether you are breaking the rules or not.
8. Let's start off by making it clear that all the following can be counted as plagiarism.
Plagiarism
• Copying directly from a text, word-for-word
• Using an attractive phrase or sentence you have found somewhere
• Using text downloaded from the Internet
• Paraphrasing the words of a text very closely
• Borrowing statistics from another source or person
• Copying from the essays or the notes of another student
• Downloading or copying pictures, photographs, or diagrams without acknowledging your sources
Why is this so complex?
9. The answer is - because in your work at college or university level you are supposed to discuss other people's ideas. These will be expressed in the articles and books they have written. But you have to follow certain conventions.
10. Plus - at the same time - you will be asked to express your own arguments and opinions. You therefore have two tasks - and it is sometimes hard to combine them in a way which does not break the rules. Many people are not sure how much of somebody else's work they can use.
11. Sometimes plagiarism can happen by accident, because you use an extract from someone else's work - but you forget to show that you are quoting.
12. This is the first thing you should learn about plagiarism - and how to avoid it. Always show that you are quoting somebody else's work by enclosing the extract in [single] quote marks.
In 1848 there was an outbreak of revolutionary risings throughout Europe, which Marx described as 'the first stirrings of proletarian defiance' in a letter to his collaborator, Frederick Engels.
13. This also sometimes happens if you are stuck for ideas, and you quote a passage from a textbook. You might think the author expresses the idea so well, that you can't improve on it.
14. This is plagiarism - unless you say and show that you are quoting someone else's work. Here's how to do it:
This painting is generally considered one of his finest achievements. As John Richardson suggests: 'In Guernica, Picasso lifts the concept of art as political propaganda to its highest level in the twentieth century'.
Academic conventions
15. Why do colleges and universities make such a big fuss about this issue? The answer to this is that they are trying to keep up important conventions in academic writing.
16. The conventions involve two things at the same time. They are the same as your two tasks:
• You are developing your own ideas and arguments and learning to express them.
• You are showing that you have learned about and can use other people's work.
17. These conventions allow you to use other people's work to illustrate and support your own arguments - but you must be honest about it. You must show which parts are your own work, and which parts belong to somebody else.
18. You also need to show where the information comes from. This is done by using a system of footnotes or endnotes where you list details of the source of your information.
19. The conventions of referencing and citation can become very complex. If you need guidance on this issue, have a look at our detailed guidance notes on the subject. What follows is the bare bones.
20. In an essay on a novel by D.H. Lawrence for example, you might argue that his work was influenced by Thomas Hardy. You could support this claim by quoting a literary critic:
Lawrence's characters have a close relationship with their physical environment - showing possibly the influence of Hardy, who Walter Allen points out was 'his fundamental precursor in the English tradition' (1)
21. Notice that you place a number in brackets immediately after the quotation. The source of this quotation is given as a footnote at the bottom of the page, or as an endnote on a separate sheet at the end of your essay.
22. The note gives full details of the source - as follows:
Notes
1. Walter Allen, The English Novel, London: Chatto and Windus, 1964, p.243
Do's and Don'ts
23. You should avoid composing an essay by stringing together accounts of other people's work. This occurs when an essay is written in this form:
Critic X says that this idea is ' ... long quotation ...', whereas Commentator Y's opinion is that this idea is ' ... long quotation ...', and Critic Z disagrees completely, saying that the idea is ' ... long quotation ...'.
24. This is very close to plagiarism, because even though you are naming the critics and showing that you are quoting them - there is nothing of your own argument being offered here.
25. If you are stuck for ideas, don't be tempted to copy long passages from other people's work. The reason is - it's really easy to spot. Your tutor will notice the difference in style straight away.
Copyright and plagiarism
26. Copyright can be quite a complex issue - but basically it means the 'right to copy' a piece of work. This right belongs to the author of the work - the person who writes it - or a publisher.
27. When a piece of writing is published in a book or on the Web, you can read it as much as you wish - but the right to copy it belongs to the author or the author's publisher.
28. Nobody will worry if you quote a few words, or a few lines. This is regarded as what is called 'fair use'. People in the world of education realise that because quotation is so much a part of academic writing, it would be ridiculous to insist that you should seek permission to quote every few words.
29. In fact there is an unwritten convention that you can quote up to 5% of a work without seeking permission. If this was from a very long work however, you would still be wise to seek permission.
30. This permission is only for your own personal study purposes - as part of your course work or an assignment. If you wished to use the materials for any other purpose, you would need to seek permission.
31. Copyright also extends beyond writing to include diagrams, maps, drawings, photographs, and other forms of graphic presentation. In some cases it can even include the layout of a document.
Plagiarism and the Web
32. The World Wide Web has made millions and millions of pages of information available to anybody with access to the Internet. But even though this appears to be 'free' - copyright restrictions still apply. If someone writes and publishes a Web page, the copyright belongs to that person.
33. If you wish to use material you have located on the Web, you should acknowledge your sources in the same way that you would material quoted from a printed book.
34. Keep in mind too that information on a Web page might have been put there by someone who does not hold copyright to it.
What follows is the rather strictly-worded code
on plagiarism from a typical university handbook.
Plagiarism
Plagiarism is the theft or appropriation of someone else's work without proper acknowledgement, presenting the materials as if they were one's own. Plagiarism is a serious academic offence and the consequences are severe.
a) Course work, dissertations, and essays submitted for assessment must be the student's own work, unless in the case of group projects a joint effort is expected and indicated as such.
b) Unacknowledged direct copying from the work of another person, or the unacknowledged close paraphrasing of somebody else's work, is called plagiarism and is a serious offence, equated with cheating in examinations. This applies to copying both from other student's work and from published sources such as books, reports or journal articles.
c) Use of quotations or data from the work of others is entirely acceptable, and is often very valuable provided that the source of the quotation or data is given. Failure to provide a source or put quotation marks around material that is taken from elsewhere gives the appearance that the comments are ostensibly one's own. When quoting word-for-word from the work of another person quotation marks or indenting (setting the quotation in from the margin) must be used and the source of the quoted material must be acknowledged.
d) Paraphrasing when the original statement is still identifiable and has no acknowledgement, is plagiarism. A close paraphrase of another person's work must have an acknowledgement to the source. It is not acceptable to put together unacknowledged passages from the same or from different sources link these together with a few words or sentences of your own and changing a few words from the original text: this is regarded as over-dependence on other sources, which is a form of plagiarism.
e) Direct quotation from an earlier piece of the student's own work, if unattributed, suggests that the work is original, when in fact it is not. The direct copying of one's own writings qualifies as plagiarism if the fact that the work has been or is to be presented elsewhere is not acknowledged.
f) Sources of quotations used should be listed in full in a bibliography at the end of the piece of work and in a style required by the student's department.
g) Plagiarism is a serious offence and will always result in imposition of a penalty. In deciding upon the penalty the University will take into account factors such as the year of study, the extent and proportion of the work that has been plagiarised and the apparent intent of the student. the penalties that can be imposed range from a minimum of zero mark for the work (without allowing resubmission) through to downgrading of degree class, the award of a lesser qualification (eg a Pass degree rather than Honours, a certificate rather than a diploma) to disciplinary measures such as suspension or expulsion.
Saturday, September 10, 2005
Friday, September 09, 2005
Please read this article. This is a problem not only here in Japan but everywhere.
[NATIONAL NEWS]
Scandal claims key Asahi, industry exec
The Asahi Shimbun's executive adviser steps down from his post and resigns as chairman of
the Japan Newspaper Publishers & Editors Association over a faked news report involving a
now-fired reporter.
[MORE] ->
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/getarticle.pl5?nn20050908a3.htm
[NATIONAL NEWS]
Scandal claims key Asahi, industry exec
The Asahi Shimbun's executive adviser steps down from his post and resigns as chairman of
the Japan Newspaper Publishers & Editors Association over a faked news report involving a
now-fired reporter.
[MORE] ->
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/getarticle.pl5?nn20050908a3.htm
Saturday, July 30, 2005
Well I know it is hot and damp,humid, muggy but it is also wonderful in the evening. I though you would like to think about this as a 'what if':- ON THIS DAY -
On July 30, 1945, the USS Indianapolis, which had just delivered key components of the Hiroshima atomic bomb to the Pacific island of Tinian, was torpedoed by a Japanese submarine. Only 316 out of 1,196 men survived the sinking and shark-infested waters.
On July 30, 1945, the USS Indianapolis, which had just delivered key components of the Hiroshima atomic bomb to the Pacific island of Tinian, was torpedoed by a Japanese submarine. Only 316 out of 1,196 men survived the sinking and shark-infested waters.
Saturday, July 16, 2005
Hi hope you all have a nice summer. We'll talk about this one in the fall:
Two held in slaying of homeless man
Two people were arrested Saturday on suspicion of beating a homeless man to death last week in a park in Sumida Ward, Tokyo, police said.
Naoto Yoshida, 20, and a 19-year-old male whose name is withheld because he is a minor, are suspected of kicking a man believed to be Masamitsu Katori, 64, in the head and chest while he was sleeping in the park at around 3:30 a.m. Wednesday.
The man died from loss of blood, police said.
"I got carried away after drinking alcohol," the 19-year-old was quoted as saying.
"I didn't mean to kill but I kicked the man's head," Yoshida allegedly said.
The two suspects, who attend night school, had been drinking near the park and were on their way home.
They threw their shoes away because they left bloody footsteps in the park, police said.
The Japan Times: July 17, 2005
Two held in slaying of homeless man
Two people were arrested Saturday on suspicion of beating a homeless man to death last week in a park in Sumida Ward, Tokyo, police said.
Naoto Yoshida, 20, and a 19-year-old male whose name is withheld because he is a minor, are suspected of kicking a man believed to be Masamitsu Katori, 64, in the head and chest while he was sleeping in the park at around 3:30 a.m. Wednesday.
The man died from loss of blood, police said.
"I got carried away after drinking alcohol," the 19-year-old was quoted as saying.
"I didn't mean to kill but I kicked the man's head," Yoshida allegedly said.
The two suspects, who attend night school, had been drinking near the park and were on their way home.
They threw their shoes away because they left bloody footsteps in the park, police said.
The Japan Times: July 17, 2005
Tuesday, July 12, 2005
Hi I'd like you the check this out:[NATIONAL NEWS]
U.N. calls for antidiscrimination law
A United Nations-appointed independent investigator says the government urgently needs to acknowledge the deep discrimination in Japan against minorities, Korean and Chinese residents and other foreigners.
[MORE] ->
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/getarticle.pl5?nn20050712a1.htm
and....what do you think?
U.N. calls for antidiscrimination law
A United Nations-appointed independent investigator says the government urgently needs to acknowledge the deep discrimination in Japan against minorities, Korean and Chinese residents and other foreigners.
[MORE] ->
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/getarticle.pl5?nn20050712a1.htm
and....what do you think?
Saturday, July 09, 2005
Hi I thought that you should read this from the Chicago Sun-Times newspaper. If you are not familiar with the issues here ask me about it in the next class and we can talk about it. It's important. Clark
Kids, don't fall for 'free press' hype
July 8, 2005
BY CAROL MARIN SUN-TIMES COLUMNIST
Advertisement
Just about every week, the phone rings with an earnest, young journalism student at the other end asking what he or she needs to do to become a reporter. Some have already given it a great deal of thought. Most have not.
For a while now, I've toyed with the notion of one day writing a book, a kind of road map for would-be reporters on some of the obstacles ahead. I'm not sure what I'd call it. Maybe, Hey, Kid, So You Wanna Be A Reporter? I was forced to abandon my original title, News Reporting For Dummies, after a media-bashing friend of mine sneered that it was redundant.
Lesson No. 1: Even your friends will despise you.
Reporters have long since lost the luster of the glory days of Woodward and Bernstein and Watergate. Journalists, in the eye of the public, have gone from swashbuckling to scum-sucking. Some of our wounds are self-inflicted. The Jayson Blair affair at the New York Times and the CBS/Dan Rather case of questionable documents are just two of too many.
But don't for a second doubt that genuine, hard news reporting is under siege. It is. Just ask Judith Miller, who was jailed Wednesday for refusing to reveal her sources for a story she never even published. Or better yet, ask the Bush administration, which has no compunction about recruiting public relations people to pose as reporters in taxpayer-subsidized video news releases that were peddled as "news reports." That's the same Bush administration that is classifying documents at breakneck speed to keep actual vs. manufactured information out of the hands of the public and the press.
Lesson No. 2: Judith Miller
Anybody who thinks they want to be a reporter should be required to read every single word of the opinion of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia No. 04-3138. That's the one that ordered Miller and Time magazine correspondent Matthew Cooper to reveal their confidential sources to a federal grand jury.
Pay particular attention to pages 72 through 78. Why? Because they're blank, that's why. Even experienced constitutional lawyers are flabbergasted by this. But at the request of U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald, the special prosecutor assigned to this inquiry, his most powerful arguments for why Miller and Cooper should break their promises to sources are too sensitive for any of us to see.
As one respected First Amendment expert was heard to say, "What is this, freakin' Albania?"
Lesson No. 3: Reporters are not above the law
Not you. Not me. But civil disobedience holds a crucial place in our history. From the fight for civil rights to anti-war protests to reporters protecting the identity of their sources, there are those who have always defied the law on principle and paid the price. Miller is in jail because in a society of laws, good ones and bad ones, there are consequences. She has accepted the consequences.
Any aspiring reporter who thinks there is a martyred romanticism to her incarceration needs to think again. Nobody, including Miller, wants to have their hands and feet shackled, go to the bathroom under the gaze of a security camera, or lose even a minute of their liberty. Think early and often about what you will do when a subpoena arrives with your name on it. Take it from me, it will.
There are, young would-be journalists, risks involved in this work. It's true for political reporters confronting government, for business reporters taking on corporate interests, and for sports reporters uncovering the darker side of the game. Covering the news can win you a lot more enemies than friends. That's true when you get the story right as well as when you get the story wrong.
Miller has mostly gotten things right in her distinguished career, but not everything. Her most notable error was a big one, believing that Iraqi exile Ahmad Chalabi actually knew what he was talking about when he claimed Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction.
There are some who believe Miller's current fight is a way to redeem that failure. I don't buy it. Not exactly known as Miss Congeniality in the New York Times newsroom, Miller admits to having "sharp elbows." I don't think she's suddenly worried about her image. I think she's standing for a vital principle. Not to mention giving aspiring journalists the hardest of lessons.
Kids, don't fall for 'free press' hype
July 8, 2005
BY CAROL MARIN SUN-TIMES COLUMNIST
Advertisement
Just about every week, the phone rings with an earnest, young journalism student at the other end asking what he or she needs to do to become a reporter. Some have already given it a great deal of thought. Most have not.
For a while now, I've toyed with the notion of one day writing a book, a kind of road map for would-be reporters on some of the obstacles ahead. I'm not sure what I'd call it. Maybe, Hey, Kid, So You Wanna Be A Reporter? I was forced to abandon my original title, News Reporting For Dummies, after a media-bashing friend of mine sneered that it was redundant.
Lesson No. 1: Even your friends will despise you.
Reporters have long since lost the luster of the glory days of Woodward and Bernstein and Watergate. Journalists, in the eye of the public, have gone from swashbuckling to scum-sucking. Some of our wounds are self-inflicted. The Jayson Blair affair at the New York Times and the CBS/Dan Rather case of questionable documents are just two of too many.
But don't for a second doubt that genuine, hard news reporting is under siege. It is. Just ask Judith Miller, who was jailed Wednesday for refusing to reveal her sources for a story she never even published. Or better yet, ask the Bush administration, which has no compunction about recruiting public relations people to pose as reporters in taxpayer-subsidized video news releases that were peddled as "news reports." That's the same Bush administration that is classifying documents at breakneck speed to keep actual vs. manufactured information out of the hands of the public and the press.
Lesson No. 2: Judith Miller
Anybody who thinks they want to be a reporter should be required to read every single word of the opinion of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia No. 04-3138. That's the one that ordered Miller and Time magazine correspondent Matthew Cooper to reveal their confidential sources to a federal grand jury.
Pay particular attention to pages 72 through 78. Why? Because they're blank, that's why. Even experienced constitutional lawyers are flabbergasted by this. But at the request of U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald, the special prosecutor assigned to this inquiry, his most powerful arguments for why Miller and Cooper should break their promises to sources are too sensitive for any of us to see.
As one respected First Amendment expert was heard to say, "What is this, freakin' Albania?"
Lesson No. 3: Reporters are not above the law
Not you. Not me. But civil disobedience holds a crucial place in our history. From the fight for civil rights to anti-war protests to reporters protecting the identity of their sources, there are those who have always defied the law on principle and paid the price. Miller is in jail because in a society of laws, good ones and bad ones, there are consequences. She has accepted the consequences.
Any aspiring reporter who thinks there is a martyred romanticism to her incarceration needs to think again. Nobody, including Miller, wants to have their hands and feet shackled, go to the bathroom under the gaze of a security camera, or lose even a minute of their liberty. Think early and often about what you will do when a subpoena arrives with your name on it. Take it from me, it will.
There are, young would-be journalists, risks involved in this work. It's true for political reporters confronting government, for business reporters taking on corporate interests, and for sports reporters uncovering the darker side of the game. Covering the news can win you a lot more enemies than friends. That's true when you get the story right as well as when you get the story wrong.
Miller has mostly gotten things right in her distinguished career, but not everything. Her most notable error was a big one, believing that Iraqi exile Ahmad Chalabi actually knew what he was talking about when he claimed Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction.
There are some who believe Miller's current fight is a way to redeem that failure. I don't buy it. Not exactly known as Miss Congeniality in the New York Times newsroom, Miller admits to having "sharp elbows." I don't think she's suddenly worried about her image. I think she's standing for a vital principle. Not to mention giving aspiring journalists the hardest of lessons.
Thursday, July 07, 2005
Hi as your assignment for next week is a science related article I thought you might like a look at this one:
more articles
next article >>
Fingernails store personal information
6 July 2005
Japanese researchers are using femtosecond laser pulses to write data into human fingernails.
Secure optical data storage could soon literally be at your fingertips thanks to work being carried out in Japan. Yoshio Hayasaki and his colleagues have discovered that data can be written into a human fingernail by irradiating it with femtosecond laser pulses. Capacities are said to be up to 5 mega bits and the stored data lasts for 6 months - the length of time it takes a fingernail to be completely replaced. (Optics Express 13 4560)
Fingernail storage
"I don't like carrying around a large number of cards, money and papers," Hayasaki from Tokushima University told Optics.org. "I think that a key application will be personal authentication. Data stored in a fingernail can be used with biometrics, such as fingerprint authentication and intravenous authentication of the finger."
The team's approach is simple: use a femtosecond laser system to write the data into the nail and a fluorescence microscope to read it out. The key to reading the data out is that the nail's fluorescence increases at the point irradiated by the femtosecond pulses.
Initial experiments were carried out on a small piece of human fingernail measuring 2 x 2 x 0.4 mm3. The writing system comprises a Ti:Sapphire oscillator and Ti:Sapphire amplifier. Pulses of less than 100 fs at 800 nm are then passed through a microscope and focused to three set depths (40, 60 and 80 microns) using an objective lens.
Each "bit" of information has a diameter of 3.1 microns and is written by a single femtosecond pulse. A motorised stage moves the nail to create a bit spacing of 5 microns across the nail and a depth of 20 microns between recording layers.
An optical microscope containing a filtered xenon arc lamp excites the fluorescence and reads out the data stored at the various depths. "We regulate the focus with the movement of the microscope objective," explained Hayasaki. "The distance between the planes is set to prevent cross-talk between data stored at different depths."
Hayasaki adds that the same fluorescence signal is seen 172 days after recording.
Although the initial experiments have concentrated on small pieces of nail, the team is now developing a system that can write data to a fingernail which is still attached to a finger. "We will develop a femtosecond laser processing system that can record the data at the desired points with compensation for the movement of a finger," said Hayasaki.
Author
Jacqueline Hewett is technology editor on Optics.org and Opto & Laser Europe magazine.
more articles
next article >>
Fingernails store personal information
6 July 2005
Japanese researchers are using femtosecond laser pulses to write data into human fingernails.
Secure optical data storage could soon literally be at your fingertips thanks to work being carried out in Japan. Yoshio Hayasaki and his colleagues have discovered that data can be written into a human fingernail by irradiating it with femtosecond laser pulses. Capacities are said to be up to 5 mega bits and the stored data lasts for 6 months - the length of time it takes a fingernail to be completely replaced. (Optics Express 13 4560)
Fingernail storage
"I don't like carrying around a large number of cards, money and papers," Hayasaki from Tokushima University told Optics.org. "I think that a key application will be personal authentication. Data stored in a fingernail can be used with biometrics, such as fingerprint authentication and intravenous authentication of the finger."
The team's approach is simple: use a femtosecond laser system to write the data into the nail and a fluorescence microscope to read it out. The key to reading the data out is that the nail's fluorescence increases at the point irradiated by the femtosecond pulses.
Initial experiments were carried out on a small piece of human fingernail measuring 2 x 2 x 0.4 mm3. The writing system comprises a Ti:Sapphire oscillator and Ti:Sapphire amplifier. Pulses of less than 100 fs at 800 nm are then passed through a microscope and focused to three set depths (40, 60 and 80 microns) using an objective lens.
Each "bit" of information has a diameter of 3.1 microns and is written by a single femtosecond pulse. A motorised stage moves the nail to create a bit spacing of 5 microns across the nail and a depth of 20 microns between recording layers.
An optical microscope containing a filtered xenon arc lamp excites the fluorescence and reads out the data stored at the various depths. "We regulate the focus with the movement of the microscope objective," explained Hayasaki. "The distance between the planes is set to prevent cross-talk between data stored at different depths."
Hayasaki adds that the same fluorescence signal is seen 172 days after recording.
Although the initial experiments have concentrated on small pieces of nail, the team is now developing a system that can write data to a fingernail which is still attached to a finger. "We will develop a femtosecond laser processing system that can record the data at the desired points with compensation for the movement of a finger," said Hayasaki.
Author
Jacqueline Hewett is technology editor on Optics.org and Opto & Laser Europe magazine.
Friday, July 01, 2005
Altough the assignement for this weeks is to write a review on some artistic event, and you should do that, there are other stories out there that you can also follow. For example:
By REIJI YOSHIDA
Staff writer
The subtitle of a recently published book by political analyst Atsuo Ito sounds like a joke: "The most irritating data book in Japan."
Atsuo Ito poses during an interview about his new book on alarming Japanese statistics at a hotel in Tokyo. The political insider is trying to fight public indifference to Japanese politics. REIJI YOSHIDA PHOTO
But much of the data in "Seiji no Suji" ("Figures in Politics") is no laughing matter for voters and taxpayers.
According to the book, the Japanese Embassy in Paris spent 8.49 million yen in March 2000 alone to foot the drinking tab of the diplomats. The money, which comes to an average 274,000 yen a day, came from the "diplomatic discretionary fund" -- a secretive Foreign Ministry slush fund that does not require public disclosure on its use.
But Ito said many Japanese diplomats he met overseas used vast amounts of the fund to wine and dine Diet members on overseas junkets and to entertain themselves with extravagant meals at the same tables.
Ito also describes in the book how 53.6 percent of the Liberal Democratic Party's successful candidates in the 2003 House of Representatives election were "hereditary" lawmakers -- offspring, grandchildren or other close relatives of politicians.
This dominance of such a political elite, who "inherit" local support bases and vote-gathering machines, is readily denounced as a feudal type of nepotism rather than a modern democracy.
Ito, a former director general of the Democratic Party of Japan, said his decades-long career as a nonelected insider in Nagata-cho has convinced him that the general public will take a greater interest in politics if it knows more about what's truly at stake.
"To narrow the gap between politics and ordinary people, you have to start with explaining how politics affect their wallets and their entire personal life," Ito said in an interview with The Japan Times.
"That's why pension issues drew considerable public interest last year," he said, referring to heated debate over public pension reform -- an issue that delivered a setback to the ruling coalition in last July's House of Councilors election.
In the book, Ito points out that taxpayers pay 157 million yen to elect each House of Representatives member in the form of government funding for election campaigns and 259 million yen to elect each member of the House of Councilors.
In addition, the salary and expenses of each Diet member cost taxpayers at least 63 million yen a year.
Still, 40.14 percent of the nation's eligible voters failed to exercise their voting rights in the 2003 Lower House election, Ito said. Thus he urges voters to cast ballots anyway -- even blank ones ---- so the polling expenses don't go to waste.
Ito's book takes a cynical look at political data -- and for good reason.
Once dubbed the "contractor for new parties," Ito headed the secretariats of three parties that emerged in the late 1990s.
He had been a salaried employee at LDP headquarters in Tokyo for about 20 years before departing in 1993, the same time that dozens of LDP lawmakers defected, ousting the party from its decades-long stint in power.
He then helped the defectors create one new party after another in a bid to rival the LDP. He sometimes played key roles in media relations by collecting scandalous information to use as ammunition against the LDP.
The last party he served, the DPJ, which he left in December 2001, has since grown into the main opposition force and the LDP's main threat, in terms of Diet members.
But Ito admitted he feels more of a "sense of emptiness" rather than a sense of achievement.
"It is true the (political realignment) of the past decade gave birth to the DPJ. But all other opposition parties were failures," he said.
Of the 36 Lower House members who bolted from the LDP to form Shinseito in 1993, only four have retained Diet seats without ever returning to the LDP's sphere, according to Ito. Others have either returned to or formed alliances with the LDP, lost their seats, retired or passed away.
Their revolt kept the LDP out of government from August 1993 to June 1994, when the party returned to power by forming successive coalitions.
"Japanese politics have basically witnessed little change," Ito said, adding that he intends to analyze and learn from the failures of past political realignments in his bid to nurture people's interest in politics.
"It's quite easy to let politics be corrupt and decay," he says in the afterward for another of his books. "All you need to do is allow people to be indifferent."
The Japan Times: July 1, 2005
(C) All rights reserved
By REIJI YOSHIDA
Staff writer
The subtitle of a recently published book by political analyst Atsuo Ito sounds like a joke: "The most irritating data book in Japan."
Atsuo Ito poses during an interview about his new book on alarming Japanese statistics at a hotel in Tokyo. The political insider is trying to fight public indifference to Japanese politics. REIJI YOSHIDA PHOTO
But much of the data in "Seiji no Suji" ("Figures in Politics") is no laughing matter for voters and taxpayers.
According to the book, the Japanese Embassy in Paris spent 8.49 million yen in March 2000 alone to foot the drinking tab of the diplomats. The money, which comes to an average 274,000 yen a day, came from the "diplomatic discretionary fund" -- a secretive Foreign Ministry slush fund that does not require public disclosure on its use.
But Ito said many Japanese diplomats he met overseas used vast amounts of the fund to wine and dine Diet members on overseas junkets and to entertain themselves with extravagant meals at the same tables.
Ito also describes in the book how 53.6 percent of the Liberal Democratic Party's successful candidates in the 2003 House of Representatives election were "hereditary" lawmakers -- offspring, grandchildren or other close relatives of politicians.
This dominance of such a political elite, who "inherit" local support bases and vote-gathering machines, is readily denounced as a feudal type of nepotism rather than a modern democracy.
Ito, a former director general of the Democratic Party of Japan, said his decades-long career as a nonelected insider in Nagata-cho has convinced him that the general public will take a greater interest in politics if it knows more about what's truly at stake.
"To narrow the gap between politics and ordinary people, you have to start with explaining how politics affect their wallets and their entire personal life," Ito said in an interview with The Japan Times.
"That's why pension issues drew considerable public interest last year," he said, referring to heated debate over public pension reform -- an issue that delivered a setback to the ruling coalition in last July's House of Councilors election.
In the book, Ito points out that taxpayers pay 157 million yen to elect each House of Representatives member in the form of government funding for election campaigns and 259 million yen to elect each member of the House of Councilors.
In addition, the salary and expenses of each Diet member cost taxpayers at least 63 million yen a year.
Still, 40.14 percent of the nation's eligible voters failed to exercise their voting rights in the 2003 Lower House election, Ito said. Thus he urges voters to cast ballots anyway -- even blank ones ---- so the polling expenses don't go to waste.
Ito's book takes a cynical look at political data -- and for good reason.
Once dubbed the "contractor for new parties," Ito headed the secretariats of three parties that emerged in the late 1990s.
He had been a salaried employee at LDP headquarters in Tokyo for about 20 years before departing in 1993, the same time that dozens of LDP lawmakers defected, ousting the party from its decades-long stint in power.
He then helped the defectors create one new party after another in a bid to rival the LDP. He sometimes played key roles in media relations by collecting scandalous information to use as ammunition against the LDP.
The last party he served, the DPJ, which he left in December 2001, has since grown into the main opposition force and the LDP's main threat, in terms of Diet members.
But Ito admitted he feels more of a "sense of emptiness" rather than a sense of achievement.
"It is true the (political realignment) of the past decade gave birth to the DPJ. But all other opposition parties were failures," he said.
Of the 36 Lower House members who bolted from the LDP to form Shinseito in 1993, only four have retained Diet seats without ever returning to the LDP's sphere, according to Ito. Others have either returned to or formed alliances with the LDP, lost their seats, retired or passed away.
Their revolt kept the LDP out of government from August 1993 to June 1994, when the party returned to power by forming successive coalitions.
"Japanese politics have basically witnessed little change," Ito said, adding that he intends to analyze and learn from the failures of past political realignments in his bid to nurture people's interest in politics.
"It's quite easy to let politics be corrupt and decay," he says in the afterward for another of his books. "All you need to do is allow people to be indifferent."
The Japan Times: July 1, 2005
(C) All rights reserved
Thursday, June 30, 2005
It is always interesting to see how other countries view your own. Here is an article, written by an English Report, about the atmosphere of fear in the American media:
1. DEMOCRATIC MEDIA: A DO-IT-YOURSELF STARTER KIT
by Sheldon Rampton
"I visit the States three or four times a year, and watching the
television news in hotel rooms in the last three years has been like
witnessing a time-lapse study of emasculation," writes Henry Porter,
the London editor of Vanity Fair magazine, in his ruminations about
the unmasking of FBI official Mark Felt as "Deep Throat," the
Watergate whistleblower.
"It's not just the unbearable lightness of purpose in most news
shows; it's the sense that everyone is rather too mindful of the
backstairs influence of the White House in companies such as Viacom
and News Corporation that own the TV news," Porter writes, adding,
"The result of this climate of fear and caution is that few
Americans have any idea of the circumstances in which 1,600 of their
countrymen have lost their lives in Iraq, the hideous injuries
suffered by both Iraqi and American victims of suicide bombers, or
even the profound responsibility that lies with Rumsfeld for
mishandling practically every facet of the occupation. The mission
to explain has been replaced by the mission to avoid. If today there
was a whistleblower as well-placed, heroically brave and strategic
as Mark Felt, one wonders whether he would now find the outlet that
Felt did at the Washington Post between 1972 and 1974."
For the rest of this story, visit:
http://www.prwatch.org/node/3782
1. DEMOCRATIC MEDIA: A DO-IT-YOURSELF STARTER KIT
by Sheldon Rampton
"I visit the States three or four times a year, and watching the
television news in hotel rooms in the last three years has been like
witnessing a time-lapse study of emasculation," writes Henry Porter,
the London editor of Vanity Fair magazine, in his ruminations about
the unmasking of FBI official Mark Felt as "Deep Throat," the
Watergate whistleblower.
"It's not just the unbearable lightness of purpose in most news
shows; it's the sense that everyone is rather too mindful of the
backstairs influence of the White House in companies such as Viacom
and News Corporation that own the TV news," Porter writes, adding,
"The result of this climate of fear and caution is that few
Americans have any idea of the circumstances in which 1,600 of their
countrymen have lost their lives in Iraq, the hideous injuries
suffered by both Iraqi and American victims of suicide bombers, or
even the profound responsibility that lies with Rumsfeld for
mishandling practically every facet of the occupation. The mission
to explain has been replaced by the mission to avoid. If today there
was a whistleblower as well-placed, heroically brave and strategic
as Mark Felt, one wonders whether he would now find the outlet that
Felt did at the Washington Post between 1972 and 1974."
For the rest of this story, visit:
http://www.prwatch.org/node/3782
Friday, June 24, 2005
The assignment for this week is for you to find a phot opportunity and take the picture. Blog the picture with a coupe of sentences discribing it. Good Luck. You can download BlogBot for windows or Flicker for Macs for free at the Blogger web site. The item I would like to discuss with you next week is the "Culture Defense" which is always very weak. Because it is part of thier culture is it OK for people in the South Pacific to eat other people? As it was part of the culture of the American South to have slaves it that OK? So what do you think about the following story?
Two research whale burgers to go, please
The Associated Press
A Hokkaido fast food joint began offering whale burgers Thursday as antiwhaling nations urged Japan to cut back on its catch at an international whaling conference.
Restaurant chain Lucky Pierrot serves a deep-fried minke whale meat burger, served with lettuce and mayonnaise, for 380 yen at its 10 joints in Hakodate.
Japan is facing mounting criticism over its research whaling program, which sees whales killed for study purposes before their meat is then sold. Critics say this is commercial hunting in disguise.
Miku Oh, a Lucky Pierrot official, said the chain is only utilizing stock already obtained from research whaling and it wants to preserve the culture of eating whale meat.
"People in other countries may think (eating whale) is strange, but it is our culture," she said, adding the whale for the burgers is cooked in such a way that "it tastes like beef and tuna, and since it is deep fried, it has no odor."
Annually, Japan kills about 400 minke whales in the Antarctic and another 210 whales -- 100 minke whales, 50 Bryde's whales, 50 sei whales and 10 sperm whales -- in the Northwestern Pacific.
At an annual meeting of the International Whaling Commission currently being held in Ulsan, South Korea, antiwhaling countries passed a resolution Wednesday urging Japan to drop plans to more than double the number of whales it hunts each year for research.
The commission has also rejected a proposal earlier to end its almost two-decade ban on commercial whaling. Another proposal by Japan to allow its northern coastal communities to resume limited hunts of minke whales was turned down Thursday.
Japan says it must kill whales to properly study them, including their stomach contents to glean details of their diets.
Environmental groups and antiwhaling countries, including the U.S. and Britain, say Japan's research whaling is a thinly disguised commercial whaling venture, stressing that meat is sold to Japanese supermarkets and restaurants to help fund the program.
The Japan Times: June 24, 2005
(C) All rights reserved
Two research whale burgers to go, please
The Associated Press
A Hokkaido fast food joint began offering whale burgers Thursday as antiwhaling nations urged Japan to cut back on its catch at an international whaling conference.
Restaurant chain Lucky Pierrot serves a deep-fried minke whale meat burger, served with lettuce and mayonnaise, for 380 yen at its 10 joints in Hakodate.
Japan is facing mounting criticism over its research whaling program, which sees whales killed for study purposes before their meat is then sold. Critics say this is commercial hunting in disguise.
Miku Oh, a Lucky Pierrot official, said the chain is only utilizing stock already obtained from research whaling and it wants to preserve the culture of eating whale meat.
"People in other countries may think (eating whale) is strange, but it is our culture," she said, adding the whale for the burgers is cooked in such a way that "it tastes like beef and tuna, and since it is deep fried, it has no odor."
Annually, Japan kills about 400 minke whales in the Antarctic and another 210 whales -- 100 minke whales, 50 Bryde's whales, 50 sei whales and 10 sperm whales -- in the Northwestern Pacific.
At an annual meeting of the International Whaling Commission currently being held in Ulsan, South Korea, antiwhaling countries passed a resolution Wednesday urging Japan to drop plans to more than double the number of whales it hunts each year for research.
The commission has also rejected a proposal earlier to end its almost two-decade ban on commercial whaling. Another proposal by Japan to allow its northern coastal communities to resume limited hunts of minke whales was turned down Thursday.
Japan says it must kill whales to properly study them, including their stomach contents to glean details of their diets.
Environmental groups and antiwhaling countries, including the U.S. and Britain, say Japan's research whaling is a thinly disguised commercial whaling venture, stressing that meat is sold to Japanese supermarkets and restaurants to help fund the program.
The Japan Times: June 24, 2005
(C) All rights reserved
Saturday, June 18, 2005
Next weeks assignment is for you to try and find a hot news item on your own. You should mark at the top what sort of value as a news item it has. Next what do you think about the following?
COUNTERPOINT
Media conspiracy of concealment costs social progress dear
By ROGER PULVERS
Special to The Japan Times
What do these Japanese people have in common: A neighbor of people whose house has burned down; an uncle or aunt of someone who has been the victim of a crime; a person who has had food poisoning?
The answer is that they are all likely to appear headless on Japanese television, perhaps with their voices altered to such a high pitch that they sound as if they were coming from the squeeze box inside a stuffed koala.
All Japanese channels, government-run and commercial, claim to have stringent rules about the protection of people's privacy. I know of no other developed country where witnesses to events appear so often in such a state of decapitated incognito. It used to be that their faces were blurred out. Then, during the 1980s -- no doubt thanks to improved technology -- the people interviewed on TV whose identity was deemed "compromised" bore a countenance made up of little mosaic squares, somewhat in the style of the early Braque.
In July 1996, what became a very severe and widespread case of E. coli O157 food poisoning broke out in Sakai City, Osaka Prefecture. More than 6,500 people (some have put the figure at nearly double that), primarily elementary school pupils, were affected due to their consumption of tainted pre-cooked lunches.
Naturally, TV inundated the airwaves with news of this public health disaster, and many people, directly and indirectly affected by it, were interviewed. Food poisoning is a common occurrence in Japan, where much food is prepared in advance and is sometimes left to sit unrefrigerated for hours. Yet, although there was no criminal intent on the part of those who prepared the lunches, both the children who fell ill, their parents and even unaffected people who lived near them appeared on TV in an altered, depersonalized state.
Fear of association
The assumption was that they did not wish their identity to be known, for fear of being associated in some way with misfortune, and that anonymity was perhaps the best protection against calumny.
Similarly, I recall a TV report of a waiting-room scene in one of the hospitals that was treating the patients. While the reporter spoke of the suffering that the children were going through, the entire scene behind her was distorted into a milky blur. Ironically, however, a scene of the very same waiting room appeared clear as crystal in a CNN report carried on the NHK satellite news channel. There was no effective way, I suppose, to impose Japanese standards of decorum on a foreign broadcaster.
What is at work here? Is it really that Japanese people regard it as an invasion of an individual's privacy to show them in a news broadcast, even when they are in no way compromised by the appearance? Do people who consent to interviews truly object to being visually identified? Or does the media actually encourage this form of censorship in order to lend an aura of conspiracy to a news item?
Of course, there are many cases where a person's identity should be legitimately protected. Victims of crime or whistle-blowers are often interviewed on the BBC, for instance, sitting with their backs to the camera or in deep shadow. But in Japan, there seems to be something that might be called "vicarious protection" -- that is, hiding the identity of people who are really not in any danger of public exposure.
Surely this blatant policy of non-identification goes well beyond the demands of either privacy or propriety. In addition, what is essentially a coverup of reality turns the news into a conspiracy of feelings. News reports come to resemble the pseudo-hush-hush entertainment of the variety shows, where reporters sneak around famous people's homes whispering into microphones and making provocative accusations into the intercoms at their front gates.
Unless there are real issues of privacy or potential harm to people, all interviews should be conducted openly and in full view of the public, with any person not wishing to appear on TV obviously retaining the right not to be seen. If that person accedes to an interview, however, then let them appear with their head on their shoulders and speaking in their normal voice.
Aura of excitement
I mentioned the conspiracy of feelings. This is a conspiracy between the media and the public, and both are to blame for its pernicious effect on Japanese social progress. A senior news producer at a Tohoku TV station once told me that his channel deliberately blurred out people's faces even when they were quite happy to appear as themselves. "We do this," he confessed, "in order to lend an aura of excitement to the program, as if something titillating or taboo were being presented." This hidebound hack producer has no place working in a news organization.
If Japan is to succeed in reshaping its mores to fit the needs of this century, then the Japanese people must opt for openness; and that entails freeing up the flow of information between people, knowledge-sharing across disciplines and institutions, and social dialogue that crosses the lines of gender, class and ethnic origin. The stalwart model of a smoothly operated, well-oiled, don't-show-your-operating-manual-to-a-soul Japan -- the old one-face-to-the-world lean machine -- is running out of steam.
Frankly, I am not too optimistic about change in the media, particularly TV, which is still managed with a tight fist on the gear shift. The media moguls there are not going to give an inch, let alone a storehouse of information, to anyone they deem unworthy of the gift.
But knowledge and information are not a gift! They are a society's right. I do feel that the younger generation of Japanese are not as fearful of letting out secrets or airing their views publicly as the elder manipulators are. Once you open up to others, you gain their trust; and they, in turn, open up to you.
The winner is the entire society. News is truth; truth, news.
The Japan Times: June 19, 2005
COUNTERPOINT
Media conspiracy of concealment costs social progress dear
By ROGER PULVERS
Special to The Japan Times
What do these Japanese people have in common: A neighbor of people whose house has burned down; an uncle or aunt of someone who has been the victim of a crime; a person who has had food poisoning?
The answer is that they are all likely to appear headless on Japanese television, perhaps with their voices altered to such a high pitch that they sound as if they were coming from the squeeze box inside a stuffed koala.
All Japanese channels, government-run and commercial, claim to have stringent rules about the protection of people's privacy. I know of no other developed country where witnesses to events appear so often in such a state of decapitated incognito. It used to be that their faces were blurred out. Then, during the 1980s -- no doubt thanks to improved technology -- the people interviewed on TV whose identity was deemed "compromised" bore a countenance made up of little mosaic squares, somewhat in the style of the early Braque.
In July 1996, what became a very severe and widespread case of E. coli O157 food poisoning broke out in Sakai City, Osaka Prefecture. More than 6,500 people (some have put the figure at nearly double that), primarily elementary school pupils, were affected due to their consumption of tainted pre-cooked lunches.
Naturally, TV inundated the airwaves with news of this public health disaster, and many people, directly and indirectly affected by it, were interviewed. Food poisoning is a common occurrence in Japan, where much food is prepared in advance and is sometimes left to sit unrefrigerated for hours. Yet, although there was no criminal intent on the part of those who prepared the lunches, both the children who fell ill, their parents and even unaffected people who lived near them appeared on TV in an altered, depersonalized state.
Fear of association
The assumption was that they did not wish their identity to be known, for fear of being associated in some way with misfortune, and that anonymity was perhaps the best protection against calumny.
Similarly, I recall a TV report of a waiting-room scene in one of the hospitals that was treating the patients. While the reporter spoke of the suffering that the children were going through, the entire scene behind her was distorted into a milky blur. Ironically, however, a scene of the very same waiting room appeared clear as crystal in a CNN report carried on the NHK satellite news channel. There was no effective way, I suppose, to impose Japanese standards of decorum on a foreign broadcaster.
What is at work here? Is it really that Japanese people regard it as an invasion of an individual's privacy to show them in a news broadcast, even when they are in no way compromised by the appearance? Do people who consent to interviews truly object to being visually identified? Or does the media actually encourage this form of censorship in order to lend an aura of conspiracy to a news item?
Of course, there are many cases where a person's identity should be legitimately protected. Victims of crime or whistle-blowers are often interviewed on the BBC, for instance, sitting with their backs to the camera or in deep shadow. But in Japan, there seems to be something that might be called "vicarious protection" -- that is, hiding the identity of people who are really not in any danger of public exposure.
Surely this blatant policy of non-identification goes well beyond the demands of either privacy or propriety. In addition, what is essentially a coverup of reality turns the news into a conspiracy of feelings. News reports come to resemble the pseudo-hush-hush entertainment of the variety shows, where reporters sneak around famous people's homes whispering into microphones and making provocative accusations into the intercoms at their front gates.
Unless there are real issues of privacy or potential harm to people, all interviews should be conducted openly and in full view of the public, with any person not wishing to appear on TV obviously retaining the right not to be seen. If that person accedes to an interview, however, then let them appear with their head on their shoulders and speaking in their normal voice.
Aura of excitement
I mentioned the conspiracy of feelings. This is a conspiracy between the media and the public, and both are to blame for its pernicious effect on Japanese social progress. A senior news producer at a Tohoku TV station once told me that his channel deliberately blurred out people's faces even when they were quite happy to appear as themselves. "We do this," he confessed, "in order to lend an aura of excitement to the program, as if something titillating or taboo were being presented." This hidebound hack producer has no place working in a news organization.
If Japan is to succeed in reshaping its mores to fit the needs of this century, then the Japanese people must opt for openness; and that entails freeing up the flow of information between people, knowledge-sharing across disciplines and institutions, and social dialogue that crosses the lines of gender, class and ethnic origin. The stalwart model of a smoothly operated, well-oiled, don't-show-your-operating-manual-to-a-soul Japan -- the old one-face-to-the-world lean machine -- is running out of steam.
Frankly, I am not too optimistic about change in the media, particularly TV, which is still managed with a tight fist on the gear shift. The media moguls there are not going to give an inch, let alone a storehouse of information, to anyone they deem unworthy of the gift.
But knowledge and information are not a gift! They are a society's right. I do feel that the younger generation of Japanese are not as fearful of letting out secrets or airing their views publicly as the elder manipulators are. Once you open up to others, you gain their trust; and they, in turn, open up to you.
The winner is the entire society. News is truth; truth, news.
The Japan Times: June 19, 2005
Thursday, June 09, 2005
READ THIS. WE WILL TALK ABOUT IT NEXT WEEK IN CLASS AND I WANT YOUR THOUGHTFUL OPINIONS ON IT. Clark
CONVICTED FOR SPILLING BEANS ON SECRET OKINAWA TREATY
Reporter who blew whistle on state shenanigans sues for redress
By KEIJI HIRANO
Kyodo News
The Watergate scandal forced a U.S. president to resign and turned two journalists into national heroes, but a diplomatic scandal in Japan involving a secret pact with the United States over the 1972 reversion of Okinawa resulted in the convictions of the journalist who reported it and his "Deep Throat" source.
Takichi Nishiyama, a former political reporter at the Mainichi Shimbun, has broken a 30-year silence to clear his name, backed by U.S. government documents released in 2000 and 2002 that back his report on how Japan secretly shouldered $4 million in social costs for Okinawa's reversion to Japanese sovereignty from the U.S.
"The existence of the secret deal has been proved three times -- first by my report and again by the two U.S. documents. However, the Japanese government has continuously denied it," Nishiyama, 73, said.
Nishiyama was indicted in April 1972 along with a Foreign Ministry secretary for persuading her to show him classified internal documents about the negotiations over Okinawa's reversion, including the secret pact. Both were accused of violating the National Public Services Law.
He left the daily in 1974 and his conviction was finalized by the Supreme Court in 1978. The secretary never appealed the initial guilty sentence.
But in late April, nearly 30 years later, Nishiyama filed a damages suit at the Tokyo District Court, seeking 33 million yen from the state, claiming he was illegally charged and forced to end his career as a journalist.
"It is a state crime to submit a false treaty text to the Diet (covering up the existence of the secret agreement) for discussion and approval, and it is an abuse of power to indict a reporter who tried to inform the public of the state crime," the complaint said.
The legal battle has raised expectations that the secret bilateral agreement will come to light when the trial starts on July 5.
When authorities started investigating the case, they were criticized for suppressing freedom of the press.
But the public started viewing the issue as a scandal instead of diplomatic intrigue when the indictment stated that Nishiyama "had an affair with her secretly and urged her to bring him the documents."
"It is quite regrettable that the initial argument over the existence of the secret deal was easily shifted to how Mr. Nishiyama had obtained the classified documents," said Yasuhiko Tajima, professor of journalism at Sophia University.
"The focus of this issue was on the secret pact, but the government successfully took the spotlight off the diplomatic issue," he said.
"In this damage suit, we need to question the responsibility of the government, which still denies the secret agreement."
The two U.S. documents that prompted Nishiyama to file the damages suit indicated Japan assumed $4 million in costs the United States was supposed to pay to restore Okinawa's land to its original state, and that Japan asked the U.S. to flatly deny the existence of the pact to the press.
Even after the release of these documents, successive foreign ministers and chief Cabinet secretaries denied the secret pact existed.
"The denial by current government officials means the state crime is continuing," Nishiyama said.
"I might be tarnished again in the coming court battle, but I want to (demonstrate) that it is not an issue of more than 30 years ago, but a current problem," he said. "The government will not be able to easily lie to the court this time."
The lawsuit comes at a time when Japan and the United States are discussing ways to accommodate the global realignment of the U.S. military.
After retiring from the Mainichi Shimbun, Nishiyama returned to his hometown, Kitakyushu, where he got involved in a family business.
Michio Sato, the Tokyo prosecutor who drew up Nishiyama's indictment, said the investigative team only focused on how the internal Foreign Ministry documents were acquired and did not address whether the secret pact existed.
"It is unforgivable to seduce the secretary to bring out classified documents," said Sato, now a member of the House of Councilors.
"Even if he tried to reveal a national secret, his criminal act will never be cleared."
Sato also said he wrote the description of Nishiyama's relationship with the ex-secretary into the indictment to inform the public of the nature of the incident.
"It was just like a reporter committing theft. Can a journalist do anything for a story?"
Lawyer Katsumi Fujimori, who is representing Nishiyama, said the appropriateness of the ex-reporter's news-gathering activities will be argued in court. "Mr. Nishiyama could not deliberately ignore the government's treachery after he knew it," he said.
Fujimori also said he aims to have the court practically rescind the guilty verdict against Nishiyama.
Sophia's Tajima also defended Nishiyama's actions.
"I do not think it is an ethical matter if his news-gathering was appropriate. It is not a legal issue either."
Looking back at the investigation into him and his source, Nishiyama said that while he had "an equal relationship" with the woman, the prosecutors used it as an excuse to indict them.
"I believe the indictment was politically motivated," he reckoned.
Masaaki Gabe, a professor at the University of the Ryukyus who found one of the U.S. documents in 2000, said he expects the court to present its views on the secret pact when it concludes the lawsuit. "That is what Mr. Nishiyama is seeking beyond compensation, I believe," he added.
"While I happened to encounter the document as a researcher, it would be my honor if the document can enable a man to retain his credit or pride," he said.
The Japan Times: June 10, 2005
(C) All rights reserved
CONVICTED FOR SPILLING BEANS ON SECRET OKINAWA TREATY
Reporter who blew whistle on state shenanigans sues for redress
By KEIJI HIRANO
Kyodo News
The Watergate scandal forced a U.S. president to resign and turned two journalists into national heroes, but a diplomatic scandal in Japan involving a secret pact with the United States over the 1972 reversion of Okinawa resulted in the convictions of the journalist who reported it and his "Deep Throat" source.
Takichi Nishiyama, a former political reporter at the Mainichi Shimbun, has broken a 30-year silence to clear his name, backed by U.S. government documents released in 2000 and 2002 that back his report on how Japan secretly shouldered $4 million in social costs for Okinawa's reversion to Japanese sovereignty from the U.S.
"The existence of the secret deal has been proved three times -- first by my report and again by the two U.S. documents. However, the Japanese government has continuously denied it," Nishiyama, 73, said.
Nishiyama was indicted in April 1972 along with a Foreign Ministry secretary for persuading her to show him classified internal documents about the negotiations over Okinawa's reversion, including the secret pact. Both were accused of violating the National Public Services Law.
He left the daily in 1974 and his conviction was finalized by the Supreme Court in 1978. The secretary never appealed the initial guilty sentence.
But in late April, nearly 30 years later, Nishiyama filed a damages suit at the Tokyo District Court, seeking 33 million yen from the state, claiming he was illegally charged and forced to end his career as a journalist.
"It is a state crime to submit a false treaty text to the Diet (covering up the existence of the secret agreement) for discussion and approval, and it is an abuse of power to indict a reporter who tried to inform the public of the state crime," the complaint said.
The legal battle has raised expectations that the secret bilateral agreement will come to light when the trial starts on July 5.
When authorities started investigating the case, they were criticized for suppressing freedom of the press.
But the public started viewing the issue as a scandal instead of diplomatic intrigue when the indictment stated that Nishiyama "had an affair with her secretly and urged her to bring him the documents."
"It is quite regrettable that the initial argument over the existence of the secret deal was easily shifted to how Mr. Nishiyama had obtained the classified documents," said Yasuhiko Tajima, professor of journalism at Sophia University.
"The focus of this issue was on the secret pact, but the government successfully took the spotlight off the diplomatic issue," he said.
"In this damage suit, we need to question the responsibility of the government, which still denies the secret agreement."
The two U.S. documents that prompted Nishiyama to file the damages suit indicated Japan assumed $4 million in costs the United States was supposed to pay to restore Okinawa's land to its original state, and that Japan asked the U.S. to flatly deny the existence of the pact to the press.
Even after the release of these documents, successive foreign ministers and chief Cabinet secretaries denied the secret pact existed.
"The denial by current government officials means the state crime is continuing," Nishiyama said.
"I might be tarnished again in the coming court battle, but I want to (demonstrate) that it is not an issue of more than 30 years ago, but a current problem," he said. "The government will not be able to easily lie to the court this time."
The lawsuit comes at a time when Japan and the United States are discussing ways to accommodate the global realignment of the U.S. military.
After retiring from the Mainichi Shimbun, Nishiyama returned to his hometown, Kitakyushu, where he got involved in a family business.
Michio Sato, the Tokyo prosecutor who drew up Nishiyama's indictment, said the investigative team only focused on how the internal Foreign Ministry documents were acquired and did not address whether the secret pact existed.
"It is unforgivable to seduce the secretary to bring out classified documents," said Sato, now a member of the House of Councilors.
"Even if he tried to reveal a national secret, his criminal act will never be cleared."
Sato also said he wrote the description of Nishiyama's relationship with the ex-secretary into the indictment to inform the public of the nature of the incident.
"It was just like a reporter committing theft. Can a journalist do anything for a story?"
Lawyer Katsumi Fujimori, who is representing Nishiyama, said the appropriateness of the ex-reporter's news-gathering activities will be argued in court. "Mr. Nishiyama could not deliberately ignore the government's treachery after he knew it," he said.
Fujimori also said he aims to have the court practically rescind the guilty verdict against Nishiyama.
Sophia's Tajima also defended Nishiyama's actions.
"I do not think it is an ethical matter if his news-gathering was appropriate. It is not a legal issue either."
Looking back at the investigation into him and his source, Nishiyama said that while he had "an equal relationship" with the woman, the prosecutors used it as an excuse to indict them.
"I believe the indictment was politically motivated," he reckoned.
Masaaki Gabe, a professor at the University of the Ryukyus who found one of the U.S. documents in 2000, said he expects the court to present its views on the secret pact when it concludes the lawsuit. "That is what Mr. Nishiyama is seeking beyond compensation, I believe," he added.
"While I happened to encounter the document as a researcher, it would be my honor if the document can enable a man to retain his credit or pride," he said.
The Japan Times: June 10, 2005
(C) All rights reserved
For those of you who missed yesterdays class the assignment for next week is to write an obituary of some famous person. You should look at the obituaries in the newspaper to get a model. You have to use your imagination on how the person dies. Deadline (no pun intended) is noon Tue. and should be sent to carsure@cc.aoyama.ac.jp. Good luck and see you next week. Clark
Here is an interesting but strange news story, what is strange about it?
Monju's fast-breeder technology remains far from practical
A Supreme Court ruling late last month in favor of the Monju prototype fast-breeder reactor may have been welcome news to its builder, the Japan Nuclear Cycle Development Institute, but putting the technology into practical use is still a long way away.
The top court upheld the government's 1983 approval to build Monju, once dubbed a "dream atomic reactor," paving the way to get it back online. The facility in Tsuruga, Fukui Prefecture, has been shut for more than nine years due to an accident and coverup.
Fast-breeder reactors like Monju are supposed to be able to produce more plutonium than they consume, and the government initially expected to get the technology into practical use in the 1970s.
The government has spent more than 800 billion yen on the reactor, Japan's largest scientific and technological project.
Monju reached criticality for the first time in 1994, but a massive sodium coolant leak in December 1995 triggered a claim that the accident resulted from shortcomings in the facility's safety assessment before it was built.
The Nagoya High Court's Kanazawa branch supported that claim by 32 plaintiffs, mostly residents living near the facility, who sought to nullify the approval to build the reactor. The Supreme Court's May 30 ruling overturned that decision.
Since the accident, mishaps at other nuclear plants and coverups have followed. In addition, the electricity market has been liberalized, sending power companies unable to adapt quickly into a tight financial corner.
Fast-breeder reactors use costly plutonium-uranium mixed oxide, or MOX, fuel, and the target year for putting the reactor technology to commercial use was put off to 2010, and then to 2030.
"The largest reason for the delayed target is economic efficiency," an official at the Atomic Energy Commission said. "The initial forecast proved wrong, and uranium prices have long been stable. Instead of reusing less economical plutonium, it's profitable to use the present light-water reactors as long as possible."
The Atomic Energy Commission, which works out long-term nuclear power plans, decided this year to begin a full-scale study in 2015 on the commercial use of fast-breeder reactors, with Monju's performance as a model.
However, precise blueprints are nowhere in sight, and introduction of a reactor for practical use has been further delayed, "until about 2050."
A power industry source said that even the next experimental fast-breeder reactor will probably be radically different from Monju.
"Various types of structures should be considered for the final reactor for practical use, including a water-cooled type," a nuclear power researcher said.
Despite all the questions about its future, maintaining Monju -- even while it is still shut down -- runs somewhere between 6.4 billion yen and 17.3 billion yen a year. The total since the 1995 accident is expected to reach 127 billion yen by next March.
Meanwhile, Monju still plays a major political and economic role in Fukui Prefecture and the city of Tsuruga. About 2 percent of the city's 70,000 residents are employees at the Japan Nuclear Cycle Development Institute and related companies.
"The economic effects are large. We want to coexist and jointly prosper" with Monju, said Tsuruga Mayor Kazuharu Kawase.
For Fukui Prefecture, which has 15 nuclear plants within its borders, the radically different Monju is also a tool to attract as much money as possible from the central government.
The Japan Times: June 9, 2005
Monju's fast-breeder technology remains far from practical
A Supreme Court ruling late last month in favor of the Monju prototype fast-breeder reactor may have been welcome news to its builder, the Japan Nuclear Cycle Development Institute, but putting the technology into practical use is still a long way away.
The top court upheld the government's 1983 approval to build Monju, once dubbed a "dream atomic reactor," paving the way to get it back online. The facility in Tsuruga, Fukui Prefecture, has been shut for more than nine years due to an accident and coverup.
Fast-breeder reactors like Monju are supposed to be able to produce more plutonium than they consume, and the government initially expected to get the technology into practical use in the 1970s.
The government has spent more than 800 billion yen on the reactor, Japan's largest scientific and technological project.
Monju reached criticality for the first time in 1994, but a massive sodium coolant leak in December 1995 triggered a claim that the accident resulted from shortcomings in the facility's safety assessment before it was built.
The Nagoya High Court's Kanazawa branch supported that claim by 32 plaintiffs, mostly residents living near the facility, who sought to nullify the approval to build the reactor. The Supreme Court's May 30 ruling overturned that decision.
Since the accident, mishaps at other nuclear plants and coverups have followed. In addition, the electricity market has been liberalized, sending power companies unable to adapt quickly into a tight financial corner.
Fast-breeder reactors use costly plutonium-uranium mixed oxide, or MOX, fuel, and the target year for putting the reactor technology to commercial use was put off to 2010, and then to 2030.
"The largest reason for the delayed target is economic efficiency," an official at the Atomic Energy Commission said. "The initial forecast proved wrong, and uranium prices have long been stable. Instead of reusing less economical plutonium, it's profitable to use the present light-water reactors as long as possible."
The Atomic Energy Commission, which works out long-term nuclear power plans, decided this year to begin a full-scale study in 2015 on the commercial use of fast-breeder reactors, with Monju's performance as a model.
However, precise blueprints are nowhere in sight, and introduction of a reactor for practical use has been further delayed, "until about 2050."
A power industry source said that even the next experimental fast-breeder reactor will probably be radically different from Monju.
"Various types of structures should be considered for the final reactor for practical use, including a water-cooled type," a nuclear power researcher said.
Despite all the questions about its future, maintaining Monju -- even while it is still shut down -- runs somewhere between 6.4 billion yen and 17.3 billion yen a year. The total since the 1995 accident is expected to reach 127 billion yen by next March.
Meanwhile, Monju still plays a major political and economic role in Fukui Prefecture and the city of Tsuruga. About 2 percent of the city's 70,000 residents are employees at the Japan Nuclear Cycle Development Institute and related companies.
"The economic effects are large. We want to coexist and jointly prosper" with Monju, said Tsuruga Mayor Kazuharu Kawase.
For Fukui Prefecture, which has 15 nuclear plants within its borders, the radically different Monju is also a tool to attract as much money as possible from the central government.
The Japan Times: June 9, 2005
Thursday, June 02, 2005
Tuesday, May 31, 2005
Hi Please read the following story from the Japan Times. We will be discussing it in class tomorrow. Clark
Rise in defamation suits threaten media: journalists
By MASAMI ITO
Staff writer
The increasing number of lawsuits being filed in response to allegedly defamatory news articles is posing a threat to media organizations and freedom of expression by discouraging aggressive reporting, several journalists said at a recent symposium in Saitama.
The symposium, "Pride -- Fighting Journalists," was held last Friday by the Kanto regional branch of Shimbun Roren, a federation of newspaper employee unions.
Featured as panelists were three journalists -- one freelance and two working for major newspapers -- who have been targeted in massive lawsuits filed by major loan companies.
Katsuhisa Miyake, a freelance writer, is being sued by consumer loan giant Takefuji Corp. over a series of articles he wrote in 2003 for the Shukan Kinyobi weekly newsmagazine regarding what he described as the firm's "cruel" tactics for collecting money from debtors.
Both the Tokyo District Court and the Tokyo High Court dismissed the lawsuit filed by Takefuji, which called on Miyake to pay 110 million yen in damages. Takefuji has appealed to the Supreme Court and the case is still ongoing.
"It is not a matter of winning or losing" for those who file such lawsuits, Miyake claimed.
"The significance lies in filing the lawsuit itself," he said. "For (writers) who are being sued, I think the most frightening thing is the fear that they may have to give up (writing) stories that could result in a major damages suit."
Freelance writer Kenichi Kita, coordinator of the symposium, said many publishers are telling their freelance writers to avoid risky articles.
Journalists are often discouraged from writing about suspected cases of wrongdoing unless it is certain investigators will take action, he noted.
In addition, those suing seem to be treating their targets differently, going after the weaker ones, including freelancers, with unmitigated aggression.
The Asahi Shimbun, a major daily, was also sued by Takefuji in 1996 after staff reporter Hideo Takaya wrote a series of articles on consumer loan companies, including Takefuji, for its weekly magazine Aera. In November that year, Takefuji demanded 100 million yen from the paper and an apology.
The Tokyo District Court dismissed the case in June 1997. Takefuji did not appeal.
This stands in stark contrast to the action the company took against freelance writer Miyake, Takaya said.
"The tactics used by companies like Takefuji (when fighting a legal battle against) major newspapers . . . are very different from those against freelancers like Miyake," Takaya said. "Their first step is crushing freelance writers and (small) magazines like Shukan Kinyobi. But before we know it, major newspapers may be targeted in the future."
Miyake also alleged that close ties between media organizations and their major advertisers can alter the depth and type of coverage a company receives in the press.
For example, he noted the way the administrative punishment imposed last December on the Kinshicho branch of Takefuji for violating the Moneylending Control Law was covered.
"(The major media) carried only small stories (on the case) even though it was a rare case in which a moneylender was being punished for a second time for the same offense," Miyake said, pointing out that the media organizations in question continued to run large Takefuji ads on a daily basis.
Masashi Ito, a Mainichi Shimbun reporter, is being sued by SFCG, a Tokyo-based provider of corporate loans.
Last November, Ito wrote a series of articles alleging SFCG had duped customers into signing documents that gave SFCG authorization to seize their property, which later resulted in the debtors' salaries being "seized."
Within a month, SFCG filed a lawsuit against Ito as well as the Mainichi Shimbun, demanding a combined 350 million yen in damages.
Ito said he was not pressured by his superiors to avoid writing about the moneylender, but the story might have turned out differently had SFCG been a major advertiser in the Mainichi.
SFCG's clients are mainly small and medium-size firms.
"In my case, the lawsuit was filed soon after my article was published," Ito said. "It was very clear that (SFCG's) aim was to prevent me from writing the stories.
"The company even said that my continuing to write the articles while being implicated in a legal battle was inexcusable."
Members of the audience also complained about the rise in defamation suits and said lawyers and whistle-blowers are also being targeted.
One participant, lawyer Masaki Kito, said he is being sued for defamation of character by a self-enlightenment group called Home of Heart, which has demanded over 100 million yen in compensation.
According to Kito, the reason he has been sued is because of comments he made to TV broadcasters, newspapers, magazines and Internet sites regarding allegations of child abuse made by former members of the group. Home of Heart is also suing former members who spoke out against it.
"The right to know is based on the continued flow (of information) from the source to the media and to the general public," Kito said. "If at any point (this flow) should be cut off, freedom of expression will cease to exist."
The Japan Times: June 1, 2005
Rise in defamation suits threaten media: journalists
By MASAMI ITO
Staff writer
The increasing number of lawsuits being filed in response to allegedly defamatory news articles is posing a threat to media organizations and freedom of expression by discouraging aggressive reporting, several journalists said at a recent symposium in Saitama.
The symposium, "Pride -- Fighting Journalists," was held last Friday by the Kanto regional branch of Shimbun Roren, a federation of newspaper employee unions.
Featured as panelists were three journalists -- one freelance and two working for major newspapers -- who have been targeted in massive lawsuits filed by major loan companies.
Katsuhisa Miyake, a freelance writer, is being sued by consumer loan giant Takefuji Corp. over a series of articles he wrote in 2003 for the Shukan Kinyobi weekly newsmagazine regarding what he described as the firm's "cruel" tactics for collecting money from debtors.
Both the Tokyo District Court and the Tokyo High Court dismissed the lawsuit filed by Takefuji, which called on Miyake to pay 110 million yen in damages. Takefuji has appealed to the Supreme Court and the case is still ongoing.
"It is not a matter of winning or losing" for those who file such lawsuits, Miyake claimed.
"The significance lies in filing the lawsuit itself," he said. "For (writers) who are being sued, I think the most frightening thing is the fear that they may have to give up (writing) stories that could result in a major damages suit."
Freelance writer Kenichi Kita, coordinator of the symposium, said many publishers are telling their freelance writers to avoid risky articles.
Journalists are often discouraged from writing about suspected cases of wrongdoing unless it is certain investigators will take action, he noted.
In addition, those suing seem to be treating their targets differently, going after the weaker ones, including freelancers, with unmitigated aggression.
The Asahi Shimbun, a major daily, was also sued by Takefuji in 1996 after staff reporter Hideo Takaya wrote a series of articles on consumer loan companies, including Takefuji, for its weekly magazine Aera. In November that year, Takefuji demanded 100 million yen from the paper and an apology.
The Tokyo District Court dismissed the case in June 1997. Takefuji did not appeal.
This stands in stark contrast to the action the company took against freelance writer Miyake, Takaya said.
"The tactics used by companies like Takefuji (when fighting a legal battle against) major newspapers . . . are very different from those against freelancers like Miyake," Takaya said. "Their first step is crushing freelance writers and (small) magazines like Shukan Kinyobi. But before we know it, major newspapers may be targeted in the future."
Miyake also alleged that close ties between media organizations and their major advertisers can alter the depth and type of coverage a company receives in the press.
For example, he noted the way the administrative punishment imposed last December on the Kinshicho branch of Takefuji for violating the Moneylending Control Law was covered.
"(The major media) carried only small stories (on the case) even though it was a rare case in which a moneylender was being punished for a second time for the same offense," Miyake said, pointing out that the media organizations in question continued to run large Takefuji ads on a daily basis.
Masashi Ito, a Mainichi Shimbun reporter, is being sued by SFCG, a Tokyo-based provider of corporate loans.
Last November, Ito wrote a series of articles alleging SFCG had duped customers into signing documents that gave SFCG authorization to seize their property, which later resulted in the debtors' salaries being "seized."
Within a month, SFCG filed a lawsuit against Ito as well as the Mainichi Shimbun, demanding a combined 350 million yen in damages.
Ito said he was not pressured by his superiors to avoid writing about the moneylender, but the story might have turned out differently had SFCG been a major advertiser in the Mainichi.
SFCG's clients are mainly small and medium-size firms.
"In my case, the lawsuit was filed soon after my article was published," Ito said. "It was very clear that (SFCG's) aim was to prevent me from writing the stories.
"The company even said that my continuing to write the articles while being implicated in a legal battle was inexcusable."
Members of the audience also complained about the rise in defamation suits and said lawyers and whistle-blowers are also being targeted.
One participant, lawyer Masaki Kito, said he is being sued for defamation of character by a self-enlightenment group called Home of Heart, which has demanded over 100 million yen in compensation.
According to Kito, the reason he has been sued is because of comments he made to TV broadcasters, newspapers, magazines and Internet sites regarding allegations of child abuse made by former members of the group. Home of Heart is also suing former members who spoke out against it.
"The right to know is based on the continued flow (of information) from the source to the media and to the general public," Kito said. "If at any point (this flow) should be cut off, freedom of expression will cease to exist."
The Japan Times: June 1, 2005
Monday, May 23, 2005
Check out this website on what's cutting edge in Journalism:
What You Missed: Is 'CraigsNews' Coming Soon?
The movement known as collaborative citizen journalism is gaining sharper focus. What kinds of partnerships will make it thrive -- and how will the mainstream media react? By Eric Hellweg
http://www.technologyreview.com/articles/05/05/wo/wo_052005hellweg.asp?trk=nl
What You Missed: Is 'CraigsNews' Coming Soon?
The movement known as collaborative citizen journalism is gaining sharper focus. What kinds of partnerships will make it thrive -- and how will the mainstream media react? By Eric Hellweg
http://www.technologyreview.com/articles/05/05/wo/wo_052005hellweg.asp?trk=nl
Friday, May 20, 2005
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